Socialist writer describes the mechanics of America’s silent coup.


Look at what our good Socialist friends at WSWS have put together.



They’ve impressively assembled a narrative that clearly demonstrates how the Democratic Party is slowly, institutionally and insidiously being infiltrated by former members of the American intelligence and military community. The IC invasion is brazen and one-sided. The GOP can’t compete with this level of military staffing.

Deep State is alive and well, and the most frightening thing is that they don’t even attempt the pretense at “Deep” any longer. There is a quasi Fascist dynamic in that the Democratic Party is becoming One with Federal government, a scintillating vile union which only hints at a long, rugged doomed future for our children.

This Intelligence/Military usurpation of a political party is the horrid kernel of tyranny and totalitarianism:  a slow coup. From political inclusion spawns all manners of abusive power and corrupt favoritism. It’s not about “Left” or “Right.”  There is only “Establishment” versus “Liberation.” The DNC, jarred loose from its complacent slumber by the ascendancy of President Trump, is rallying its Establishment forces in order to procure many more generations of silent rule. It will see to it that no Donald Trumps happen for a very long time.

For the time being, until the Establishment is able to institute its behind-the-curtains realm of absolute power again, we will see them throw off the curtains as they shamelessly vie for rule while squelching Liberation, and in its place erect a facile structure of cosmetic “rights” and rewarded consumerism that will dull the public’s mind once again.  When the populace goes to sleep, Deep State rages.

Read this. It’s frightening.  I’ve pasted some noteworthy snippets.

Part 1.

An extraordinary number of former intelligence and military operatives from the CIA, Pentagon, National Security Council and State Department are seeking nomination as Democratic candidates for Congress in the 2018 midterm elections. The potential influx of military-intelligence personnel into the legislature has no precedent in US political history.

If the Democrats capture a majority in the House of Representatives on November 6, as widely predicted, candidates drawn from the military-intelligence apparatus will comprise as many as half of the new Democratic members of Congress. They will hold the balance of power in the lower chamber of Congress.

The Democratic leaders are promoting CIA agents and Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans. At the same time, such people are choosing the Democratic Party as their preferred political vehicle. There are far more former spies and soldiers seeking the nomination of the Democratic Party than of the Republican Party.

Part 2

There are 57 candidates for the Democratic nomination in 44 congressional districts who boast as their major credential their years of service in intelligence, in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, at the State Department, or some combination of all three.

Aside from their sheer number, and the fact that more than 40 percent, 24 of the 57, are women, there are other aspects worth considering.

The number of candidates who openly proclaim their role in the CIA or military intelligence. In years past, such activities would be considered confidential, if not scandalous for a figure seeking public office. Not only would the candidates want to disguise their connections to the spy apparatus, the CIA itself would insist on it, particularly for those who worked in operations rather than analysis, since exposure, even long after leaving the agency, could be portrayed as compromising “sources and methods.”

This is no longer the case. The 2018 candidates drawn from this shadow world of espionage, drone murders and other forms of assassination positively glory in their records. And the CIA and Pentagon have clearly placed no obstacles in the way.

Part 3.

There is growing popular hostility to the Trump administration, but within the political straitjacket of the two-party system, it is trapped without any genuine outlet. In November 2016, faced with the choice of equally repugnant ruling class figures—Hillary Clinton, the longtime stooge of Wall Street and the Pentagon, and Donald Trump, the corrupt billionaire from the financial underworld of real estate swindling and casino gambling—millions refused to vote. But disappointment and anger over the bankrupt, right-wing policies of the Obama administration led a sufficient number of working people to vote for Trump, particularly in devastated industrial states like Wisconsin, Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania and West Virginia, that he could eke out an Electoral College victory despite losing the popular vote.

In a sense, the Democratic Party’s promotion of a large number of military-intelligence candidates for competitive districts represents an insurance policy for the US ruling elite.

The preponderance of national security operatives in the Democratic primaries sheds additional light on the nature of the Obama administration. Far from representing a resurgence of liberal reformism, as apologists for the Democrats like the International Socialist Organization claimed at the time of his election, Obama’s eight years in office marked the further ascendancy of the military-intelligence apparatus within the Democratic Party.


Those of us on the far right should not be deterred by the Socialist vibe.

Part 3 is especially laden with this as this is the concluding section where the writer lays it all out. Interestingly, in our times, the odd juxtaposition of Trump’s quasi-populism with Socialist ideals, lends quirky overlap hinting at what the Socialists want and what we, on the Right, would like. Liberation.

This report illustrates that Liberation is ultimately noxious to the elites and their stranglehold over American power is not to be extinguished any time soon.

Their power is corrupt, limitless and self-perpetuating. If we wish to kill it, we must burn it down.